Our Crime Crisis: Beyond Badge and Boots: Part III
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(Note: This is the final piece in the three-part series on our intractable crime crisis)
So, after all is said and done, what can we realistically do to reduce the incidence of violent crime on our island? I am not a criminologist but the decision to seek Dutch military intervention sounds more like a Trump-like, knee-jerk reaction to a systemic failure. In fact, this response may backfire as it could potentially inflame tensions and thus exacerbate the situation.
I have advocated a national dialogue to discuss viable solutions to the crisis we are facing. Such dialogue must, of necessity, include the authorities and civil society organizations in the northern half of the island, because just as the hurricane, crime does not stop at the border.
In addition, I suggest that we revisit certain initiatives that were begun in the past to address the issue of youth unemployment and truancy. And of course, we cannot ignore the home front and the other socio-economic factors that sometimes fuel the crisis.
Concretely, I propose the following;
1. Revisiting the GB3 Model for Youth Engagement
In my humble view, we must re-engage with youth intervention models, such as the “Get off the Block, Get on the Bus, Get Busy” (GB3) pilot program championed by former Minister of Education, Dr. Rhoda Arrindell, around 2011. This program was a public-private partnership aimed primarily at adolescent males often neglected by the system.
GB3 sought to replace "the block" with structured activity, connecting at-risk youth with mentors from various walks of life and providing them with exposure to their island as well as motivational content. It was an acknowledgment that these youngsters possess dreams and ambitions but lack the tools and pathways to achieve them.
The Rationale for Rebirth:
Reintroducing a modern, scaled-up version of GB3—one that explicitly links participants to vocational training and internship placements in partnership with the business community (SHTA, IMA, etc.)— would provide the sense of purpose, discipline, and belonging that gangs currently exploit. This is a crucial, immediate step to reduce idleness and provide alternatives to criminal activity among our youth.
2. Comprehensive Educational and Skills Development
Dropping out of school drastically increases a young person's vulnerability to crime. To address the dropout issue, we should expand our vocational and technical education by massively increasing the number of accessible and affordable vocational training programs that lead directly to high-demand jobs. These programs must be seen as an equal alternative to academic tracks, giving youth marketable skills in sectors like construction, maritime services, and specialized tourism. We should empower NIPA and provide it with the necessary resources to spearhead this initiative.
Structured After-School Engagement: Subsidize or mandate robust after-school, sports, and cultural programs for at-risk youth (especially those between ages 10-17). These groups, like a revitalized GB3, provide a necessary positive structure to counter the negative influences that prevail during unsupervised hours.
3. Strengthening the Foundation: Family and Justice System
If we agree that dysfunctional homes are potential breeding grounds for criminal behavior by our youth, then we must focus on targeted parental and family counseling. Social services must be empowered to run accessible programs focused on strengthening parental skills and addressing dysfunctional family situations, thereby tackling the root cause of a lack of supervision. We should remember that the pipeline for a life of crime sometimes begins at home.
Diversification of Juvenile Detention/Rehabilitation:
Implement the judicial framework necessary to harmonize the work of the Court of Guardianship, Miss Lalie Center, and social services, ending the "fragmented" approach. Focus on rehabilitation rather than punitive detention for minors to minimize recidivism.
Conclusion
The patterns of armed robbery, car theft, and violent crimes against our businesses are the siren calls of a deeply wounded society. We cannot afford to simply manage the crisis; we must reverse the conditions that create it.
This brings us to a critical question of misplaced national priorities. At a time when crime is escalating due to systemic neglect, our government's focus on building a multimillion-dollar prison facility — while necessary for human rights compliance and basic functionality due to the devastation of Hurricane Irma— represents a defeatist investment IF not balanced by preventative spending.
Reaction vs. Prevention:
A new, larger prison (Phase One aims to increase capacity from 80 to 120 cells by Q1 2027) is a crucial investment in the Rule of Law, but it is an expense of failure. It only guarantees that we are preparing for the criminals we are currently creating.
The resources, focus, and political will required for such a significant project should be proportionally matched by an investment in the social and cultural facilities that prevent criminality in the first place. When we lack adequate, well-maintained public sports facilities, arts and cultural centres, and mentorship programs (the very outlets that discourage the life on "the block"), spending millions to house more inmates becomes a statement that we prioritize containment over creation, punishment over empowerment.
The time for positive action is now. By reviving public-private youth programs like GB3 and reallocating resources to build opportunities rather than cells, St. Martin can make a clear statement that its future is tied to the success of its children. We must invest in their opportunities, not just their punishment.

